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Media and National
Identity 1
by Muyiwa Adekeye
This is an
excerpted article from a chapter in the Master's thesis of
Muyiwa Adekeye to the graduate school of journalism, university
of Cardiff in Wales, UK.
Identity is mainly
about culture. As the mediators of culture, the mass media play
a role in creating and sustaining a common public culture (Smith,
op cit:111.) Books, newspapers, film and radio have all helped to
forge nations, but the media itself is part of a contested cultural
terrain, given its power to help preserve or undermine a cultural
space or collective identity (Schlesinger, op cit.) That is why
even stateless nations are keen to enlist the media in a nationalist
project. Nation-states too consider the media as vital to constructing
and maintaining a collective identity. Fears that Western domination
of their news and entertainment media would promote the erosion
of their national cultures inclined Third World states to campaign
for a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) in the
1970s. An echo of this view of the media as a tool for cultural
defense is sounded by the European Union's attempt to create a European
audio-visual space. The connection between the media and identity
is not an idle matter:
"...Our
sense of ourselves - as individuals and as members of communities
at various levels - whether families, regions, nations or supra-national
communities ...[are not] a set of political abstractions, for they
are finally, matters of our (mediated) everyday lives." (Morley
and Robins, op cit:69)
Transnational
forces have invaded this sphere of mediation. The boundaries that
shielded national broadcasters have been breached; the laws that
protected them have been changed. With physical obstacles breached
by technology and legal barriers by deregulation, global media corporations
have emerged. Their operations have shattered the traditional conception
of the role broadcasting plays in national life. National broadcasters
like the BBC were credited with helping to forge a sense of community,
national identity and political citizenship. The transnational broadcasters
are dedicated to different ideals. Companies like News Corp. and
Time-Warner are creating consumers, not citizens. They entertain
audiences to capture them for advertisers (Bagdikian, 1997:179;
Herman and Chomsky, 1986:16.)
Electronic communities
are replacing national communities. Television programs can be produced
and transmitted to audiences far away. Although the producer is
able to address several national audiences, he constitutes them
as one. Television is thus able to construct a single audience,
but is unable to provide a common identity. The separation of production
from the audience is described as the de-territorialization of the
media; new forms of fragmentation accompany this development. Audiences
are increasingly segmented not along national lines, but along class
and interest lines. Channels dedicated exclusively to movies, sports,
news, music and other interests have proliferated. Catch-all programming
is out of vogue. Globalization threatens to sever the media from
geographical space and has created global segments across cultures.
Schlesinger argues that given these, television is now less important
in forging national identity than newspapers and radio. As the next
chapter will show, some nationalists consider television as the
most important tool for national mobilization, especially when,
as in Wales, there is no national press.
Regional resistance
to globalization has a media dimension. With emphasis on diversity
and the variety of identities in Europe, regional interests seek
to restore the connection between media and place by re-territorializing
the media (Morley and Robins, op cit:17.) Even this is limited for
the very reason that regional identity is itself prone to further
fragmentation.
Yet place is
bound to remain an obstacle transnational media cannot abolish.
Place will remain important because even the recipient of transnational
programming still has to live and work and perceive himself as belonging
somewhere. It is obvious that the media could condition the perception
of place, but that would not eliminate fragmentation. So long as
people are rooted in place, that place's concerns and attachments
continue to inspire an identity of sorts. Territory remains the
most convenient basis for political and cultural mobilization. The
resilience of territory and the importance of proximity to the sustenance
of a cultural and political community ensure that local identity
will thrive alongside transnational culture.
De Moragas, Spa,
and Garitaonandia (1995:15) declare that it is impossible to sustain
small cultural identities without their own media. In Britain, Sianel
Pedwar Cymru (S4C), a Welsh language television station, exists
as part of official efforts to defend and promote Welsh language
and culture. S4C, despite having to serve a multinational state,
remains unique in a highly centralized British broadcasting system.
1.
This is an excerpted article from a chapter of Mujyiwa Adekeye's
master's thesis, written while a student at the Graduate School
of Journalism, University of Cardiff, Wales, U.K. Adekeye was also
a former editor of The News magazine in Lagos.
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